Page 23 - Integrity Seminars - Special Report

To do one or the other, or both, he must have the earnest sympathy and the powerful cooperation of his
loyal fellow-countrymen. Without this primary and essential condition to success his efforts must have
been vain and utterly fruitless. Had he put the abolition of slavery before the salvation of the Union, he
would have inevitably driven from him a powerful class of the American people and rendered resistance to
rebellion impossible. Viewed from the genuine abolition ground, Mr. Lincoln seemed tardy, cold, dull, and
indifferent; but measuring him by the sentiment of his country, a sentiment he was bound as a statesman
to consult, he was swift, zealous, radical, and determined [emphasis added].

This single sentence in Douglass's speech best describes Lincoln's views on slavery:
Though Mr. Lincoln shared the prejudices of his white fellow-countrymen against the Negro, it is hardly
necessary to say that in his heart of hearts he loathed and hated slavery [emphasis added],

An early direct source about Lincoln's views on slavery can be seen in his 1855 letter to his friend Joshua
Speed:

nd
You know what a poor correspondent I am. Ever since I received your very agreeable letter of the 22
of May I have been intending to write you in answer to it. You suggest that in political action now, you
and I would differ. I suppose we would; not quite as much, however, as you may think. You know I
dislike slavery; and you fully admit the abstract wrong of it. So far there is no cause of difference. But
you say that sooner than yield your legal right to the slave -- especially at the bidding of those who are
not themselves interested, you would see the Union dissolved. I am not aware that any one is bidding
you to yield that right; very certainly I am not. I leave that matter entirely to yourself. I also
acknowledge your rights and my obligations, under the constitution, in regard to your slaves.

I confess I hate to see the poor creatures hunted down, and caught, and carried back to their stripes,
and unrewarded toils; but I bite my lip and keep quiet. In 1841 you and I had together a tedious low-
water trip, on a Steam Boat from Louisville to St. Louis. You may remember, as I well do, that from
Louisville to the mouth of the Ohio, there were, on board, ten or a dozen slaves, shackled together
with irons. That sight was a continued torment to me; and I see something like it every time I touch the
Ohio, or any other slave-border. It is hardly fair for you to assume, that I have no interest in a thing
which has, and continually exercises, the power of making me miserable. You ought rather to
appreciate how much the great body of the Northern people do crucify their feelings, in order to
maintain their loyalty to the Constitution and the Union . . .

I am not a Know-Nothing. That is certain. How could I be? How can any one who abhors the oppression
of negroes, be in favor or degrading classes of white people? Our progress in degeneracy appears to
me to be pretty rapid. As a nation, we began by declaring that "all men are created equal." We now
practically read it "all men are created equal, except negroes." When the Know- Nothings get control, it

will read "all men are created equal, except negroes, and foreigners, and Catholics." When it comes to
this I should prefer emigrating to some country where they make no pretence of loving liberty -- to
Russia, for instance, where despotism can be taken pure, and without the base alloy of hypocrisy . . .
[emphasis added].

Yours friend forever
A. Lincoln

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